Kalubalanci Misalai marasa zaman lafiya akan Bangaskiya da Kabilanci: Dabarar Haɓaka Ingantaccen Diflomasiya, Ci gaba da Tsaro
Abstract
Wannan muhimmin jawabi yana neman ƙalubalantar misalan marasa zaman lafiya waɗanda aka kasance kuma ana ci gaba da amfani da su a cikin jawabanmu game da bangaskiya da kabilanci a matsayin hanya ɗaya don inganta diflomasiyya mai inganci, ci gaba da tsaro. Wannan yana da mahimmanci saboda misalai ba kawai "mafi kyawun magana ba." Ƙarfin kwatancin ya ta'allaka ne kan iyawarsu ta haɗa sabbin gogewa ta yadda za a ba da damar fahimtar sabon yanki da ƙayyadaddun yanki na gogewa cikin sharuddan da aka fi sani da kuma fiye da kankare, da kuma zama tushe da hujja don tsara manufofi. Don haka ya kamata mu firgita da misalan da suka zama kundi a cikin jawabanmu na imani da kabilanci. Muna sake jin yadda dangantakarmu ta yi kama da rayuwar Darwiniyanci. Idan har za mu yarda da wannan siffa, za mu sami barata sosai wajen haramta duk dangantakar ɗan adam a matsayin zalunci da rashin wayewa waɗanda babu wanda ya isa ya haƙura. Don haka dole ne mu yi watsi da waɗannan misalan da ke jefa dangantakar addini da kabilanci cikin mummunan yanayi tare da ƙarfafa irin wannan ƙiyayya, rashin kulawa da kuma, a ƙarshe, halayen son kai.
Gabatarwa
A yayin jawabinsa na ranar 16 ga watan Yuni, 2015 a hasumiyar Trump da ke birnin New York na bayyana yakin neman zabensa na neman shugabancin Amurka, dan takarar jam'iyyar Republican Donald Trump ya bayyana cewa, "Lokacin da Mexico ta tura mutanenta, ba su aika da mafi kyawu ba. Ba sa aike ku, suna aiko muku da mutanen da ke da matsaloli da yawa kuma suna kawo waɗannan matsalolin. Suna kawo kwayoyi, suna kawo laifi. Su masu fyade ne kuma wasu, ina tsammanin, mutanen kirki ne, amma ina magana da masu gadin kan iyaka kuma suna gaya mana abin da muke samu" (Kohn, 2015). Irin wannan misalan “mu-da-su”, in ji Mai sharhi kan Siyasa ta CNN Sally Kohn, “ba kawai bebe ne kawai ba amma rarrabuwa ne kuma mai haɗari” (Kohn, 2015). Ta kara da cewa "A cikin tsarin da Trump ya yi, ba 'yan Mexico ne kawai ke da mugayen mutane ba - dukkansu masu fyade ne kuma masu shaye-shayen kwayoyi, Trump ya ce ba tare da wata hujjar da za ta dogara da hakan ba - amma kasar Mexico ma mugu ne, da gangan ta tura 'wadannan mutanen' tare da ' wadannan matsalolin'" (Kohn, 2015).
A wata hira da gidan rediyon NBC's Meet the Press mai masaukin baki Chuck Todd don watsa shirye-shirye a safiyar Lahadi 20 ga Satumba, 2015, Ben Carson, dan takarar jam'iyyar Republican a fadar White House, ya bayyana cewa: "Ba zan ba da shawarar cewa mu sanya musulmi ya jagoranci wannan kasa ba. . Ba zan yarda da hakan ba kwata-kwata" (Pengelly, 2015). Todd ya tambaye shi: "Don haka ka yarda cewa Musulunci ya yi daidai da tsarin mulki?" Carson ya amsa: "A'a, ban yi ba, ban yi ba" (Pengelly, 2015). Kamar yadda Martin Pengelly, The Guardian Wakilin (Birtaniya) a New York, ya tunatar da mu, “Lalafi na VI na kundin tsarin mulkin Amurka ya ce: Ba za a taɓa buƙatar gwajin addini a matsayin cancanta ga kowane Ofishi ko Amincewar jama’a a ƙarƙashin Amurka” da “An fara gyara na farko ga kundin tsarin mulki Majalisa ba za ta yi wata doka da ta mutunta kafa addini, ko haramta motsa jiki ba…” (Pengelly, 2015).
Yayin da Carson za a iya gafartawa don ya manta da wariyar launin fata da ya jimre a matsayin matashi na Ba'amurke Ba'amurke kuma tun da yawancin 'yan Afirka da aka bautar a Amurka Musulmai ne kuma, don haka, yana yiwuwa kakanninsa Musulmai ne, ba zai iya ba, duk da haka. , a gafartawa rashin sanin yadda kur'ani na Thomas Jefferson da Musulunci suka taimaka wajen tsara ra'ayoyin Kafafen Amurka game da addini da kuma daidaiton Musulunci tare da dimokuradiyya da, saboda haka, Kundin Tsarin Mulki na Amurka, ganin cewa shi likitan neurosurgeon ne kuma karatu sosai. Kamar yadda Denise A. Spellberg, farfesa a tarihin Musulunci da Nazarin Gabas ta Tsakiya a Jami'ar Texas a Austin, ta yi amfani da kwararan hujjoji da suka danganci bincike mai zurfi, ta bayyana a cikin littafinta mai suna. Kur'ani na Thomas Jefferson: Musulunci da Masu Kafa (2014), Musulunci ya taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen tsara ra'ayoyin Ubannin Kafa na Amurka game da 'yancin addini.
Spellberg ya ba da labarin yadda a shekara ta 1765-watau shekaru 11 kafin ya rubuta shelar 'yancin kai, Thomas Jefferson ya sayi kur'ani, wanda ke nuna mafarin sha'awar addinin musulunci a tsawon rayuwarsa, kuma zai ci gaba da siyan littafai da dama na tarihin Gabas ta Tsakiya. , harsuna, da tafiye-tafiye, ɗaukar cikakkun bayanai game da Musulunci kamar yadda ya shafi dokar gama gari ta Ingilishi. Ta lura cewa Jefferson ya nemi fahimtar Musulunci saboda a shekara ta 1776 ya yi tunanin Musulmi a matsayin 'yan asalin sabuwar kasarsa. Ta ambaci cewa wasu daga cikin waɗanda suka kafa, Jefferson na gaba ɗaya a cikinsu, sun zayyana ra'ayoyin wayewa game da jurewar musulmi don su tsara abin da ya kasance hujja ce kawai ta zama wani ginshiƙi na mulki a Amurka. Ta wannan hanyar, Musulmai sun fito a matsayin tushen tatsuniyoyi na zamani, bambancin addini na Amurka wanda zai haɗa da ainihin ƴan tsirarun Katolika da Yahudawa waɗanda aka raina. Ta kara da cewa rigimar da ke tsakanin jama'a game da shigar musulmi, wanda wasu daga cikin abokan adawar siyasar Jefferson za su wulakanta shi har zuwa karshen rayuwarsa, ya haifar da yanke hukunci a cikin kididdigar da wadanda suka kafa suka yi na kin kafa kasar Furotesta, kamar yadda za su iya samu. yi. Hakika, yayin da zato game da Musulunci ke dawwama a tsakanin wasu Amurkawa kamar Carson kuma adadin musulmin Amurkawa ya karu zuwa miliyoyin, bayyanar da Spellberg ya bayyana na wannan ra'ayi mai tsattsauran ra'ayi na wadanda suka kafa ya fi gaggawa fiye da kowane lokaci. Littafin nata yana da mahimmanci don fahimtar manufofin da suka kasance a lokacin ƙirƙirar Amurka da ainihin abubuwan da suka shafi al'ummomin yanzu da masu zuwa.
Bugu da ƙari, kamar yadda muke nunawa a wasu littattafanmu na Musulunci (Bangura, 2003; Bangura, 2004; Bangura, 2005a; Bangura, 2005b; Bangura, 2011; da Bangura and Al-Nuh, 2011), dimokuradiyyar Musulunci ta yi daidai da dimokuradiyyar Yammacin Turai. , da kuma ra'ayoyin shiga mulkin demokraɗiyya da sassaucin ra'ayi, kamar yadda Halifancin Rashidun ya misalta, sun riga sun kasance a duniyar Islama ta tsakiya. Misali, in Mabubbugar Aminci ta Musulunci, mun lura cewa babban malamin falsafa na musulmi Al-Farabi, haifaffen Abu Nasr Ibn al-Farakh al-Farabi (870-980), wanda kuma aka sani da "mashahuri na biyu" (kamar yadda Aristotle sau da yawa ake masa lakabi da "Maigidan farko"). , ya yi la'akari da ka'idar daular Musulunci wadda ya kwatanta da ta Plato Jamhuriyar, ko da yake ya rabu da ra'ayin Plato cewa kyakkyawan yanayi ya zama sarki mai falsafa kuma ya ba da shawarar maimakon annabi (SAW) wanda ke cikin tarayya kai tsaye da Allah/Allah (SWT). Idan babu Annabi, Al-Farabi yana kallon dimokuradiyya a matsayin mafi kusanci ga kasa mai kyau, yana mai nuni da Halifancin Rashidun a matsayin misali a tarihin Musulunci. Ya fayyace siffofi guda uku na dimokuradiyyar Musulunci: (1) shugaba da al’umma suka zaba; (b) Sharia, wanda malaman fikihu masu mulki za su iya yin watsi da su idan ya cancanta bisa ga hakan dole- wajibci, manduba- halal, mubah- ba ruwansu, Haram- haramun, kuma makaruhi- mai banƙyama; da kuma yin aiki (3) Shura, Nasiha ta musamman ta Annabi Muhammad (SAW). Mun kara da cewa tunanin Al-Farabi a bayyane yake a cikin ayyukan Thomas Aquinas, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant da wasu malaman falsafa musulmi da suka bi shi (Bangura, 2004:104-124).
Mun kuma lura a Mabubbugar Aminci ta Musulunci cewa babban malamin shari’a kuma masanin siyasa Abu Al-Hassan ‘Ali Ibn Muhammad Ibn Habib Al-Mawardi (972-1058) ya bayyana ka’idoji guda uku wadanda tsarin siyasar Musulunci ya ginu a kansu: (1). Tauhidi—Imani da cewa Allah (SWT) shi ne mahalicci, mai rayawa kuma majibincin duk wani abu da ke bayan kasa; (2) Risala—Matsayin da aka saukar da shari’ar Allah SWT a cikinta; kuma (3) Halifa ko wakilci – ya kamata mutum ya zama wakilin Allah (SWT) a nan Duniya. Ya bayyana tsarin dimokuradiyyar Musulunci kamar haka: (a) bangaren zartarwa wanda ya kunshi Amir, (b) reshen majalisa ko majalisar shawara wanda ya ƙunshi Shura, da (c) sashin shari'a wanda ya ƙunshi Kwadi masu tafsirin Sharia. Haka nan kuma ya bayar da wasu tsare-tsare guda hudu na gwamnati: (1) manufar daular Musulunci ita ce samar da al’umma kamar yadda Alkur’ani da Sunna suka yi tunani; (2) Gwamnati za ta aiwatar da aikin Sharia a matsayin ainihin dokar kasa; (3) Mulki ya rataya a wuyan jama'a - jama'a za su iya tsarawa da kafa kowace irin kasa da ta dace da ka'idoji guda biyu da suka gabata da kuma ma'anar lokaci da muhalli; (4) ko wace irin jiha ce, dole ne ta kasance bisa tsarin wakilcin jama’a, domin mulki na mutane ne (Bangura, 2004:143-167).
Muna kara nuni a ciki Mabubbugar Aminci ta Musulunci cewa shekaru dubu bayan Al-Farabi, Sir Allama Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) ya siffanta Halifancin Musulunci na farko a matsayin wanda ya dace da dimokuradiyya. Da yake jayayya cewa Islama tana da “gems” don ƙungiyar tattalin arziki da dimokuradiyya ta al’ummomin musulmi, Iqbal ya yi kira ga kafa majalisun dokoki da aka zaɓe a matsayin sake maido da tsaftar Islama ta asali (Bangura, 2004:201-224).
Hakika, bangaskiya da kabilanci manyan laifuffuka ne na siyasa da ɗan adam a duniyarmu ba abu ne mai wuyar jayayya ba. Ƙasar ƙasa ita ce fagen fama da rikice-rikicen addini da kabilanci. Sau da yawa gwamnatocin jahohi suna ƙoƙarin yin watsi da murkushe burin ɗaiɗaikun ƙungiyoyin addini da na ƙabilanci, ko kuma sanya kimar masu rinjaye. Dangane da mayar da martani, kungiyoyin addini da na kabilanci sun yi gangami tare da gabatar da bukatu ga jihar tun daga wakilci da shiga har zuwa kare hakkin dan Adam da cin gashin kai. Ƙungiyoyin ƙabilanci da na addini suna ɗaukar nau'i daban-daban tun daga jam'iyyun siyasa zuwa ayyukan tashin hankali (don ƙarin a kan wannan, duba Said da Bangura, 1991-1992).
Dangantaka tsakanin kasa da kasa na ci gaba da canjawa daga babban tarihi na jihohin kasar zuwa ga tsari mai sarkakiya inda kabilu da addinai ke fafata rikici. Tsarin duniya na yau da kullun ya fi tsarin ƙasa da ƙasa fiye da tsarin ƙasashen duniya da muke bari a baya. Misali, yayin da a Yammacin Turai mutane masu bambancin al'adu ke hadewa, a Afirka da Gabashin Turai dangantakar al'adu da harshe suna cin karo da layukan yankuna (don karin bayani kan wannan, duba Said da Bangura, 1991-1992).
Idan aka ba da gasa kan batutuwan bangaskiya da kabilanci, nazarin harshe na misalta kan batun yana da mahimmanci don haka, kamar yadda na nuna a wani wuri, misalan ba kawai “mafi kyawun magana ba ne” (Bangura, 2007:61; 2002:202). Ƙarfin kwatancin, kamar yadda Anita Wenden ke lura, ya dogara ne akan ikonsu na haɗa sabbin abubuwan da za su ba da damar fahimtar sabon yanki da ƙayyadaddun yanki na gwaninta dangane da tsohon da ƙari, kuma su zama tushe da hujja yin siyasa (1999:223). Har ila yau, kamar yadda George Lakoff da Mark Johnson suka sanya shi.
Abubuwan da ke tafiyar da tunaninmu ba al'amura ne na hankali kawai ba. Suna kuma sarrafa ayyukanmu na yau da kullun, har zuwa cikakkun bayanai na yau da kullun. Ra'ayoyinmu sun tsara abin da muke fahimta, yadda muke tafiya a duniya, da yadda muke hulɗa da wasu mutane. Tsarin ra'ayi namu don haka yana taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen ayyana haƙiƙanin yau da kullun. Idan muna da gaskiya wajen ba da shawarar cewa tsarin tunaninmu ya kasance misali ne, to, yadda muke tunani, abin da muke fuskanta, da kuma abin da muke yi a kowace rana lamari ne na kwatanci (1980:3).
Bisa la’akarin abin da ya gabata, ya kamata mu firgita da misalan da suka zama kundi a cikin jawabanmu kan imani da kabilanci. Muna sake jin yadda dangantakarmu ta yi kama da rayuwar Darwiniyanci. Idan har za mu yarda da wannan siffa, za mu zama masu gaskiya da kyau wajen haramta duk wata alaƙar al'umma a matsayin mummunan hali da rashin wayewa wanda babu wata al'umma da za ta haƙura. Lallai, masu fafutukar kare haƙƙin ɗan adam sun yi amfani da irin waɗannan kwatancen yadda ya kamata don tura hanyarsu.
Don haka dole ne mu ƙi waɗannan misalan da ke jefa dangantakarmu cikin mummunan yanayi kuma mu ƙarfafa irin wannan ƙiyayya, rashin kulawa da, a ƙarshe, halin son kai. Wasu daga cikin waɗannan danye ne kuma suna fashewa da zaran an gan su ga abin da suke, amma wasu sun fi nagartaccen tsari kuma an gina su a cikin kowane nau'in tsarin tunanin mu na yanzu. Ana iya taƙaita wasu a cikin taken; wasu ma ba su da suna. Wasu kamar ba su zama misalan kwata-kwata ba, musamman ma ba da fifiko ga mahimmancin kwadayi, wasu kuma kamar karya suke yi a kan ainihin tunaninmu a matsayinmu na daidaikun mutane, kamar dai duk wata manufa ta daban za ta zama ta gaba ɗaya, ko mafi muni.
Babbar tambayar da aka bincika anan ita ce madaidaiciya: Wadanne nau'ikan misalan ne suka yi yawa a cikin jawabanmu kan bangaskiya da kabilanci? Amma kafin amsa wannan tambaya, yana da kyau a gabatar da taƙaitaccen bayani game da tsarin fahimtar harshe, tun da ita ce hanyar da binciken da za a bi ya samo asali.
Hanyar Harshen Metaphorical
Kamar yadda na fada a littafinmu mai suna Misalai marasa zaman lafiya, misalan su ne siffofi na magana (watau amfani da kalmomi ta hanyar bayyanawa da alama don ba da shawarar kwatanta kwatance da kamanceceniya) bisa fahimtar kamanceceniya tsakanin abubuwa daban-daban ko wasu ayyuka (Bangura, 2002:1). A cewar David Crystal, an gane waɗannan nau'ikan misalan guda huɗu (1992:249):
- Misalai na al'ada su ne waɗanda ke zama wani ɓangare na fahimtarmu ta yau da kullun na gogewa, kuma ana sarrafa su ba tare da ƙoƙari ba, kamar "rasa zaren jayayya."
- Misalin waka miqa ko hada misalan yau da kullum, musamman don adabi—kuma haka ake fahimtar kalmar a al’adance, a cikin mahallin waqa.
- Ma'anar tunani Waɗannan ayyuka ne a cikin zukatan masu magana waɗanda ke ba da fa'ida ga tsarin tunaninsu - alal misali, ra'ayin cewa "Hujjar yaƙi ce" tana ƙarƙashin ma'anar da aka bayyana kamar "Na kai hari kan ra'ayoyinsa."
- Gauraye misalan ana amfani da su don haɗin misalan da ba su da alaƙa ko da ba su dace ba a cikin jumla ɗaya, kamar “Wannan filin budurwa ce mai ciki tare da yuwuwa.”
Yayin da rarrabuwar Crystal tana da amfani sosai daga mahangar ilimin ilimin harshe (mayar da hankali kan alaƙar triadic tsakanin al'ada, harshe, da abin da yake nufi), daga mahangar ilimin ilimin harshe (mayar da hankali kan alaƙar polyadic tsakanin al'ada, mai magana, yanayi, da mai ji), duk da haka, Stephen Levinson ya ba da shawarar waɗannan “rarrabuwa na misalan abubuwa uku” (1983:152-153):
- Ƙididdigar ƙididdiga su ne waɗanda ke da siffar BE (x, y) kamar "Iago is an eel." Don fahimtar su, mai ji/mai karatu dole ne ya iya gina kwatankwacin kwatance.
- Kalmomin tsinkaya su ne waɗanda ke da nau'in ra'ayi G (x) ko G (x, y) kamar "Mwalimu Mazrui ya tashi gaba." Don fahimtar su, mai ji/mai karatu dole ne ya samar da kwatankwacin hadadden simili.
- Ma'anar magana su ne waɗanda ke da nau'in ra'ayi G(y) da aka gano ta kasancewa m zuwa maganganun da ke kewaye lokacin da aka kwatanta a zahiri.
Canjin kwatanci sannan yawanci ana bayyana shi ta hanyar kalma mai ma'ana mai ma'ana yana ɗaukar ƙarin ma'ana. Misali, kamar yadda Brian Weinstein ya nuna,
Ta hanyar ƙirƙirar kwatsam kwatsam tsakanin abin da aka sani da fahimta, kamar mota ko na'ura, da abin da ke da rikitarwa da damuwa, kamar al'ummar Amurka, masu sauraro suna mamakin, tilasta yin canja wuri, kuma watakila sun gamsu. Har ila yau, suna samun na'urar ƙwaƙwalwar ƙwaƙwalwa - kalma mai kama da ke bayyana matsaloli masu rikitarwa (1983: 8).
Tabbas, ta hanyar yin amfani da misalai, shugabanni da manyan mutane na iya haifar da ra'ayi da ji, musamman lokacin da mutane ke cikin damuwa game da sabani da matsaloli a duniya. A irin waɗannan lokuta, kamar yadda aka misalta nan da nan bayan harin da aka kai a Cibiyar Ciniki ta Duniya a New York da Pentagon a Washington, DC a ranar 11 ga Satumba, 2001, talakawa suna sha'awar samun bayani mai sauƙi da kwatance: misali, “masu hari na 11 ga Satumba. 2001 sun ƙi Amurka saboda arzikinta, tunda Amurkawa mutanen kirki ne, kuma ya kamata Amurka ta yi bama-bamai a duk inda suka koma cikin zamanin da.” (Bangura, 2002:2).
A cikin kalmomin Murray Edelman "sha'awar ciki da waje suna haifar da haɗe-haɗe zuwa zaɓaɓɓen kewayon tatsuniyoyi da misalan da ke siffanta hasashe na duniyar siyasa" (1971:67). A gefe guda, in ji Edelman, ana amfani da misalai don tantance abubuwan da ba a so na yaƙi ta hanyar kiransa "gwagwarmayar dimokuradiyya" ko kuma ta hanyar yin la'akari da tashin hankali da necolonialism a matsayin "gabatarwa." A gefe guda, Edelman ya ƙara da cewa, ana amfani da misalan don tsoratarwa da fusata mutane ta hanyar yin la'akari da membobin ƙungiyar siyasa a matsayin "'yan ta'adda" (1971: 65-74).
Lallai alakar da ke tsakanin harshe da hali na zaman lafiya ko rashin zaman lafiya a bayyane yake cewa da wuya mu yi tunani a kai. Kowa ya yarda, a cewar Brian Weinstein, cewa harshe shi ne tushen al'ummar ɗan adam da dangantakar mutane - cewa shi ne tushen wayewa. Idan ba tare da wannan hanyar sadarwa ba, in ji Weinstein, babu shugabanni da zai iya ba da umarnin albarkatun da ake buƙata don samar da tsarin siyasa wanda ya wuce dangi da makwabta. Ya ci gaba da cewa, yayin da muka yarda cewa ikon sarrafa kalmomi don lallashin masu jefa ƙuri'a, hanya ɗaya ce da mutane ke amfani da su don samun mulki da kuma riƙe madafun iko, kuma muna sha'awar iya magana da rubuce-rubuce a matsayin kyauta, mu, duk da haka, ba mu yarda ba. fahimtar harshe a matsayin wani abu dabam, kamar haraji, wanda ke ƙarƙashin zaɓi na sanin yakamata ta shugabannin da ke kan mulki ko ta mata da maza waɗanda ke sha'awar cin nasara ko tasiri kan mulki. Ya kara da cewa ba mu ga harshe a cikin tsari ko babban birnin da ke samar da fa'idodi masu ma'auni ga waɗanda ke da shi (Weinstein 1983: 3). Wani muhimmin al'amari game da harshe da halayyar zaman lafiya shine, bin Weinstein,
Hanyar yanke shawara don biyan bukatun kungiya, tsara al'umma daidai da manufa, warware matsaloli, da hada kai da sauran al'ummomi a cikin duniyar da ke da tsayin daka shine tushen siyasa. Tattaunawa da saka hannun jari yawanci wani bangare ne na tsarin tattalin arziki, amma idan wadanda suka mallaki jari suka yi amfani da shi wajen yin tasiri da iko a kan wasu, ya shiga fagen siyasa. Don haka, idan har za a iya nuna cewa harshe shi ne batun yanke shawara na siyasa da kuma mallakar da ke ba da fa'ida, za a iya yin shari'ar nazarin harshe a matsayin daya daga cikin abubuwan da ke turawa ko rufe kofofin mulki, dukiya, ko kuma a cikin yanayin da ake ciki. da martaba a cikin al'ummomi da ba da gudummawa ga yaki da zaman lafiya tsakanin al'ummomi (1983: 3).
Tun da yake mutane suna amfani da misalai azaman zaɓi mai hankali tsakanin nau'ikan nau'ikan harshe waɗanda ke da tasirin al'adu, tattalin arziƙi, siyasa, tunani da zamantakewa, musamman lokacin da ba a rarraba ƙwarewar harshe ba daidai ba, babbar manufar sashin nazarin bayanai da ke biyo baya shine don nuna hakan. misalan da aka yi amfani da su a cikin jawabanmu game da imani da kabilanci sun ƙunshi dalilai daban-daban. Tambayar ƙarshe ita ce mai zuwa: Ta yaya za a iya gano misalan cikin tsari a cikin jawabai? Don amsar wannan tambaya, littafin Levinson akan kayan aikin da aka yi amfani da shi don nazarin misalan a fagen aikin ilimin harshe yana da fa'ida sosai.
Levinson yayi magana akan ka'idoji guda uku waɗanda suka ɓata nazarin misalan a fagen ƙwararrun harshe. Ka'idar farko ita ce Ka'idar Kwatanta wanda, a cewar Levinson, ya furta cewa "Metaphors suna da kamanceceniya tare da tsinkaya ko sharewa na kamanni" (1983: 148). Ka'idar ta biyu ita ce Ka'idar hulɗa wanda, bin Levinson, ya ba da shawarar cewa "Ma'auni sune amfani na musamman na maganganun harshe inda kalma ɗaya 'metaphorical' (ko Mayar da hankali) an saka shi cikin wani furci na zahiri (ko Frame), kamar yadda ma'anar mayar da hankali ke hulɗa da kuma canje-canje ma'anar da Frame, kuma akasin haka” (2983:148). Ka'idar ta uku ita ce Ka'idar Sadarwa wanda, kamar yadda Levinson ya faɗi, ya ƙunshi “taswirar yanki ɗaya na fahimi zuwa wani, ba da izinin ganowa ko wasiku masu yawa” (1983:159). Daga cikin waɗannan postulates guda uku, Levinson ya sami Ka'idar Sadarwa ya zama mafi amfani domin shi "yana da nagarta na lissafin kudi daban-daban sanannun kaddarorin na misalan: da 'non prepositional' yanayi, ko dangi indeterminacy na kwatanci ta shigo da, da hali na musanya na kankare ga m sharuddan, da kuma digiri daban-daban waɗanda misalan za su iya yin nasara” (1983:160). Levinson ya ci gaba da ba da shawarar yin amfani da matakai guda uku masu zuwa don gano misalan a cikin rubutu: (1) "asusun yadda ake gane duk wani nau'i ko amfani da harshe"; (2) "san yadda ake bambanta misalan daga sauran tropes;" (3) "Da zarar an gane, fassarar misalan dole ne ya dogara ga fasalin ikonmu na gaba ɗaya don yin tunani a kwatanci" (1983:161).
Metaphors akan Imani
A matsayina na ɗalibin haɗin kai na Ibrahim, ya dace in fara wannan sashe da abin da Wahayi a cikin Attaura Mai Tsarki, Littafi Mai Tsarki, da Kur'ani Mai Tsarki ke faɗi game da harshe. Misalai ne masu zuwa, ɗaya daga kowane reshe na Ibrahim, daga cikin rukunan da yawa a cikin Wahayi:
Attaura Mai Tsarki, Zabura 34:14: “Ka kiyaye harshenka daga mugunta, kuma ka kiyaye bakinka daga zance na yaudara.”
Littafi Mai Tsarki, Karin Magana 18:21: “Mutuwa da rai suna cikin ikon harshe; Masu sonta kuma za su ci ’ya’yansa.”
Suratul Nur 24:24: "A ranar da harsunansu, da hannayensu, da kafafunsu za su yi shaida a kansu, game da abin da suka aikata."
Daga ƙa’idodin da suka gabata, a bayyane yake cewa harshe na iya zama mai laifi inda kalma ɗaya ko fiye za ta iya ɓata mutuncin mutane, ƙungiyoyi, ko kuma al’ummai masu ƙwazo. Lallai a tsawon shekaru da yawa, rike harshen mutum, da tsayawa kan kananan zagi, da hakuri da girman kai sun dakile barna.
Sauran tattaunawar anan ta dogara ne akan babin George S. Kun mai take “Addini da Ruhaniya” a cikin littafinmu, Misalai marasa zaman lafiya (2002) inda ya bayyana cewa lokacin da Martin Luther King Jr. ya kaddamar da gwagwarmayar kare hakkin jama'a a farkon shekarun 1960, ya yi amfani da misalan addini da jumloli, ba tare da ambaton shahararren jawabinsa na "Ina da mafarki" da aka gabatar a kan matakai a wurin taron. Lincoln Memorial a Washington, DC ranar 28 ga Agusta, 1963, don ƙarfafa Baƙar fata su kasance masu bege game da makauniyar launin fata. A tsayin Ƙungiyoyin Haƙƙin Bil'adama a cikin 1960s, Baƙar fata sukan riƙe hannuwa suna rera waƙa, "Za mu ci nasara," misali na addini wanda ya haɗa su a duk lokacin gwagwarmayar neman 'yanci. Mahatma Gandhi ya yi amfani da "Satyagraha" ko "riƙe kan gaskiya," da "rashin biyayya" don tara Indiyawa don adawa da mulkin Birtaniya. A kan rashin daidaituwa mai ban mamaki kuma sau da yawa a cikin babban haɗari, yawancin masu fafutuka a cikin gwagwarmayar 'yanci na zamani sun yi amfani da jumlar addini da harshe don nuna goyon baya (Kun, 2002: 121).
Masu tsattsauran ra'ayi kuma sun yi amfani da misalai da jimloli don ciyar da manufofinsu gaba. Usama bin Laden ya kafa kansa a matsayin wani muhimmin jigo a tarihin Musulunci na wannan zamani, inda ya shiga cikin ruhin Yammacin Turai, balle na Musulmi, yana amfani da zance da zance na addini. Wannan shi ne yadda bin Laden ya taɓa yin amfani da furucinsa don gargaɗi mabiyansa a cikin batutuwan Oktoba-Nuwamba, 1996 na Nida'ul Islam ("Kira na Islama"), wata mujalla mai fafutukar Musulunci da aka buga a Ostiraliya:
Abin da babu shakka a cikin wannan kazamin yaƙin neman zaɓe na Yahudu da Kiristanci a kan al'ummar musulmi, wanda ba a taɓa ganin irinsa ba, shi ne cewa wajibi ne musulmi su shirya dukkan ƙarfin da za su iya tunkuɗa maƙiya, ta fannin soji, ta fuskar tattalin arziki, ta hanyar aikin mishan. , da sauran fagage…. (Kun, 2002:122).
Kalmomin Bin Laden sun zama masu sauki amma sun zama masu wuyar sha'ani a ruhaniya da tunani bayan 'yan shekaru. Ta wadannan kalmomi, bin Laden da mabiyansa sun lalata rayuka da dukiyoyi. Ga waɗanda ake kira "mayaƙa masu tsarki," waɗanda suke rayuwa har su mutu, waɗannan nasarori ne masu ban sha'awa (Kun, 2002:122).
Har ila yau, Amirkawa sun yi ƙoƙarin fahimtar kalmomi da misalan addini. Wasu suna gwagwarmaya don amfani da misalai a lokutan zaman lafiya da rashin zaman lafiya. Lokacin da aka tambayi sakataren tsaro Donald Rumsfeld a wani taron manema labarai na ranar 20 ga Satumba, 2001 ya fito da wasu kalmomi da ke bayyana irin yakin da Amurka ke fuskanta, sai ya fusata kan kalmomi da kalamai. Amma shugaban Amurka, George W.Bush, ya fito da furuci na zance da misalan addini don ta'aziyya da kuma karfafawa Amurkawa bayan hare-haren a 2001 (Kun, 2002:122).
Misalai na addini sun taka muhimmiyar rawa a baya da kuma maganganun hankali na yau. Misalai na addini suna taimakawa wajen fahimtar abin da ba a sani ba da kuma fadada harshe fiye da iyakokin al'ada. Suna ba da hujjoji na furucin da suka fi dacewa fiye da zaɓaɓɓun gardama. Duk da haka, ba tare da ingantaccen amfani da lokacin da ya dace ba, misalan addini na iya yin kira ga al'amuran da ba a fahimta a baya ba, ko kuma amfani da su azaman hanyar ƙara ruɗi. Misalai na addini irin su "Cross", "jihadi," da "kyakkyawa da mugunta," wanda Shugaba George W. Bush da Osama bin Laden suka yi amfani da su wajen kwatanta ayyukan juna a lokacin harin 11 ga Satumba, 2001 a kan Amurka, ya haifar da mutane, addini. kungiyoyi da al’ummomi don daukar bangare (Kun, 2002:122).
Gwanayen gine-gine na misalta, masu wadatar zuciyoyin addini, suna da iko mai girma da za su ratsa zukata da tunanin Musulmi da Kirista kuma za su rayu da wadanda suka kirkiro su (Kun, 2002:122). Al'adar sufanci sau da yawa tana iƙirarin cewa misalan addini ba su da ikon siffantawa kwata-kwata (Kun, 2002:123). Hakika, waɗannan masu suka da hadisai sun fahimci yanzu yadda harshe mai nisa zai iya kaiwa ga halakar al'ummomi da kuma haɗa addini ɗaya da ɗayan (Kun, 2002: 123).
Hare-hare masu ban tsoro na ranar 11 ga Satumba, 2001 a kan Amurka sun buɗe sabbin hanyoyi da yawa don fahimtar misalai; amma tabbas ba shi ne karon farko da al'umma ke kokawa don fahimtar ikon misalan addini marasa zaman lafiya ba. Misali, har yanzu Amurkawa ba su fahimci yadda rera kalmomi ko kwatance irin su Mujahidin ko “Jarumai masu tsarki ba,” Jihadi ko “Yaki mai tsarki” ya taimaka wa Taliban kan karagar mulki. Irin wadannan misalan sun baiwa Osama bin Laden damar yin kiyayyar kasashen yammaci da kuma shirinsa na tsawon shekaru da dama kafin ya yi fice ta hanyar kai hari kan Amurka. Mutane da yawa sun yi amfani da waɗannan misalan addini a matsayin yunƙurin haɗa kan masu tsattsauran ra'ayi na addini domin tada fitina (Kun, 2002:123).
Kamar yadda shugaban kasar Iran Mohammed Khatami ya yi gargadin, “Duniya tana shaida yadda ake gudanar da ayyukan nihilism a fagen zamantakewa da siyasa, wanda ke yin barazana ga tsarin rayuwar dan Adam. Wannan sabon nau'i na nihilism mai aiki yana ɗaukar sunaye daban-daban, kuma yana da ban tausayi da rashin tausayi cewa wasu daga cikin sunayen suna kama da addini da kuma shelar ruhaniya" (Kun, 2002: 123). Tun daga ranar 11 ga Satumba, 2001 bala'i masu ban tsoro mutane da yawa sun yi mamakin waɗannan tambayoyin (Kun, 2002:123):
- Wane harshe na addini ne zai iya zama mai ƙarfi da ƙarfi da zai sa mutum ya sadaukar da ransa don halaka wasu?
- Shin da gaske waɗannan misalan sun yi tasiri kuma sun tsara matasa masu bin addini su zama masu kisa?
- Shin waɗannan misalan marasa zaman lafiya kuma za su iya zama m ko ma'ana?
Idan misalai za su taimaka wajen cike gibin da ke tsakanin sananne da wanda ba a sani ba, dole ne daidaikun mutane, masu sharhi, da shugabannin siyasa, su yi amfani da su ta hanyar da za ta kawar da tashin hankali da fahimtar juna. Rashin yin la'akari da yuwuwar fassarori marasa fahimta daga masu sauraro da ba a san su ba, misalan addini na iya haifar da sakamakon da ba a zata ba. Kalmomin farko da aka yi amfani da su a bayan harin da aka kai a New York da Washington DC, kamar “yan tawaye,” ya sa Larabawa da yawa jin daɗi. Amfani da irin waɗannan misalan addini marasa zaman lafiya don tsara abubuwan da suka faru ba su da kyau kuma bai dace ba. Kalmar ‘Yan Salibiyya’ ta samo asali ne daga yunƙurin da Kiristocin Turawa suka yi na korar mabiya Annabi Muhammad (SAW) daga ƙasa mai tsarki a cikin shekaru 11.th Karni. Wannan kalma tana da yuwuwar sake sabunta ɓacin ran da Musulmai ke yi wa Kiristoci na yaƙin neman zaɓe a ƙasa mai tsarki na ƙarni na ƙarni. Kamar yadda Steven Runciman ya lura a ƙarshen tarihin sa na yaƙin yaƙin, yaƙin yaƙe-yaƙe wani lamari ne mai ban tausayi da ɓarna kuma "Yaƙin Mai Tsarki da kansa ba wani abu ba ne face wani tsayin daka na rashin haƙuri da sunan Allah, wanda ya saba wa Mai Tsarki. Fatalwa." Kalmar crusade ta samu kyakkyawan gini daga ’yan siyasa da daidaikun mutane saboda jahilcinsu na tarihi da kuma inganta manufofinsu na siyasa (Kun, 2002:124).
Amfani da misalai don dalilai na sadarwa a fili yana da muhimmin aikin haɗin kai. Har ila yau, suna ba da gada a sarari tsakanin kayan aikin da ba a saba ba na sake fasalin manufofin jama'a. Amma lokacin da aka yi amfani da irin waɗannan misalai ne ke da mahimmanci ga masu sauraro. Misalai iri-iri da aka tattauna a wannan sashe na bangaskiya ba, a kansu, marasa zaman lafiya ba ne, amma lokacin da aka yi amfani da su ya jawo tashin hankali da fassarori. Wadannan misalan su ma suna da hankali domin ana iya gano tushensu ga rikici tsakanin Kiristanci da Musulunci ƙarni da suka wuce. Dogaro da irin waɗannan misalan don samun goyon bayan jama'a ga wata manufa ko aiki ta gwamnati ba tare da ɓata lokaci ba yana haifar da rashin fahimtar ma'anoni na gargajiya da mahallin misalan (Kun, 2002:135).
Kalmomin addini na rashin zaman lafiya da shugaba Bush da bin Laden suka yi amfani da su wajen kwatanta ayyukan juna a shekara ta 2001, sun haifar da daure kai a kasashen yammacin duniya da na musulmi. Tabbas, yawancin jama'ar Amirka sun yi imanin cewa gwamnatin Bush tana yin aiki da gaskiya da kuma neman mafi kyawun al'ummar kasa don murkushe "mugun makiyi" da ke da niyyar tabarbare 'yancin Amurka. Hakazalika, musulmi da dama a kasashe daban-daban sun yi imanin cewa ta'addancin da bin Laden ya yi wa Amurka abu ne da ya dace, domin Amurka na nuna son kai ga Musulunci. Tambayar ita ce shin Amurkawa da Musulmai sun fahimci cikakkiyar ma'anar hoton da suke zana da kuma ma'anar ayyukan ɓangarorin biyu (Kun, 2002:135).
Ko da kuwa, kwatancin abubuwan da gwamnatin Amurka ta yi a ranar 11 ga Satumba, 2001 sun ƙarfafa jama'ar Amirkawa su ɗauki maganganun da mahimmanci kuma su goyi bayan wani mummunan harin soja a Afghanistan. Yin amfani da misalan addini da bai dace ba kuma ya sa wasu Amurkawa da ba su ji daɗi ba su kai hari ga Gabas ta Tsakiya. Jami'an tilasta bin doka sun tsunduma cikin nuna kabilanci na mutane daga kasashen Larabawa da Gabashin Asiya. Wasu a duniyar musulmi kuma suna goyon bayan karin hare-haren ta'addanci kan Amurka da kawayenta saboda yadda ake cin zarafin kalmar "jihadi". Ta hanyar kwatanta ayyukan Amurka na gabatar da wadanda suka kai hare-hare a Washington, DC da New York a matsayin "yanayin yaki," ra'ayin ya haifar da hoto wanda aka tsara ta hanyar girman kai na amfani da misalin (Kun, 2002: 136).
Babu sabani a kan abubuwan da suka faru a ranar 11 ga Satumba, 2001 sun kasance ba daidai ba ne a cikin dabi'a da shari'a, kamar yadda shari'ar Musulunci ta tanada; duk da haka, idan ba a yi amfani da misalan yadda ya kamata ba, za su iya haifar da hotuna marasa kyau da tunani. Ana amfani da waɗannan hotuna daga masu tsattsauran ra'ayi don aiwatar da wasu ayyukan ɓoye. Idan aka dubi ma’anoni na gargajiya da ra’ayoyin misaltuwa irin su ‘yan jihadi’ da “jihadi”, za a ga cewa an fitar da su daga mahallin; galibin wadannan misalan ana amfani da su ne a daidai lokacin da daidaikun mutane a kasashen yammacin duniya da na musulmi suka fuskanci mummunar zalunci. Tabbas, daidaikun mutane sun yi amfani da rikici don yin magudi tare da shawo kan masu sauraron su don cimma burinsu na siyasa. A cikin rikicin ƙasa, dole ne kowane shugabanni su tuna cewa duk wani amfani da misalan addini da bai dace ba don cin riba na siyasa yana da babban sakamako a cikin al'umma (Kun, 2002:136).
Metaphors akan Kabilanci
Tattaunawa ta gaba ta dogara ne akan babin Abdulla Ahmed Al-Khalifa mai suna “Dangantakar Kabilanci” a cikin littafinmu. Misalai marasa zaman lafiya (2002), inda ya shaida mana cewa dangantakar kabilanci ta zama wani muhimmin al’amari a lokacin yakin cacar baka, domin galibin rikice-rikicen cikin gida, wadanda a yanzu ake ganin su ne babban nau’in tashe-tashen hankula a duniya, sun samo asali ne daga dalilai na kabilanci. Ta yaya waɗannan abubuwan za su iya haifar da rikice-rikice na cikin gida? (Al-Khalifa, 2002:83).
Abubuwan da ke tattare da kabilanci na iya haifar da rikice-rikice na cikin gida ta hanyoyi biyu. Na farko, yawancin kabilu suna nuna wariyar al'adu ga tsiraru. Wariya na al'adu na iya haɗawa da rashin daidaiton damar ilimi, takunkumin doka da na siyasa kan amfani da koyar da harsunan tsiraru, da takura kan 'yancin addini. A wasu lokuta, tsattsauran matakai na haɗa ƴan tsiraru haɗe da shirye-shirye don kawo adadi mai yawa na sauran ƙabilu zuwa ƙananan yankuna sun zama wani nau'i na kisan kare dangi (Al-Khalifa, 2002:83).
Hanya ta biyu ita ce amfani da tarihin rukuni da kuma fahimtar kungiya game da kansu da sauransu. Babu makawa kungiyoyi da yawa suna da halastaccen korafe-korafe akan wasu kan laifukan da suka aikata a wani lokaci na nesa ko na baya-bayan nan. Wasu “ƙiyayya ta dā” suna da ingantattun tushe na tarihi. Duk da haka, gaskiya ne kuma cewa ƙungiyoyi sukan yi fatara da ɗaukaka tarihinsu, suna shaida wa ko dai makwabta, ko abokan gaba da abokan gaba (Al-Khalifa, 2002:83).
Wadannan tatsuniyoyi na kabilanci suna da matsala musamman idan kungiyoyin da ke hamayya da juna suna da hoton madubi, wanda galibi haka lamarin yake. Alal misali, a waje ɗaya, Sabiyawan suna ɗaukan kansu a matsayin “jarumta masu karewa” na Turai da Croats a matsayin “ɗan ’yan fashi da makami, masu kisan kiyashi.” Croats, a gefe guda, suna ganin kansu a matsayin "jajirtattun waɗanda ke fama da su" na Serbian "cin zarafi na hegemonic." Lokacin da ƙungiyoyi biyu na kusanci suka keɓanta juna, hasashe mai ban sha'awa ga juna, ƙaramar tsokanar juna ta kowane bangare na tabbatar da imani mai zurfi kuma yana ba da hujjar mayar da martani. A cikin waɗannan sharuɗɗan, rikici yana da wuyar gujewa kuma ma ya fi wuya a iyakance shi, da zarar an fara (Al-Khalifa, 2002: 83-84).
Don haka yawancin misalai marasa zaman lafiya da shugabannin siyasa ke amfani da su don haifar da tashin hankali da ƙiyayya a tsakanin kabilu ta hanyar maganganun jama'a da kafofin watsa labarai. Bugu da ƙari, ana iya amfani da waɗannan misalan a kowane mataki na rikicin kabilanci wanda ya fara da shirye-shiryen ƙungiyoyi don rikici har zuwa mataki kafin tafiya zuwa sulhu na siyasa. Sai dai ana iya cewa akwai nau’i uku na misalan rashin zaman lafiya a cikin alakar kabilanci yayin irin wannan rikici ko jayayya (Al-Khalifa, 2002:84).
category 1 ya haɗa da amfani da munanan kalmomi don ƙara tashe-tashen hankula da tabarbarewar yanayi a rikicin ƙabilanci. Ƙungiyoyin da ke rikici da juna za su iya amfani da waɗannan kalmomi (Al-Khalifa, 2002:84):
Fansa: ramuwar gayya ta rukuni A a cikin rikici zai haifar da magance ramuwar gayya ta kungiyar B, kuma duka ayyukan ramuwar gayya na iya kai kungiyoyin biyu cikin wani yanayi na tashin hankali da ramuwar gayya mara iyaka. Haka kuma, ayyukan na ramuwar gayya na iya zama wani abu da wata kabila ta yi wa wata kabila a tarihin dangantakar da ke tsakaninsu. Game da Kosovo, a shekara ta 1989, alal misali, Slobodan Milosevic, ya yi wa Sabiyawa alkawarin daukar fansa a kan Albaniyawan Kosovo saboda rashin nasara a yakin da sojojin Turkiyya suka yi shekaru 600 da suka shige. A bayyane yake cewa Milosevic ya yi amfani da misalin “ramuwar gayya” don shirya Sabiyawa don yaƙi da Albaniyawan Kosovo (Al-Khalifa, 2002:84).
Ta'addanci: Rashin daidaito kan ma'anar "ta'addanci" na duniya yana ba da dama ga kabilun da ke cikin rikici na kabilanci don da'awar cewa makiyansu "'yan ta'adda" ne kuma ayyukansu na daukar fansa wani nau'i ne na "ta'addanci." A cikin rikicin Gabas ta Tsakiya, alal misali, jami'an Isra'ila suna kiran 'yan kunar bakin wake na Palasdinawa "'yan ta'adda," yayin da Falasdinawa ke daukar kansu a matsayin "'yan ta'adda".Mujahid" kuma aikinsu kamar haka"Jihad" a kan sojojin mamaya—Isra’ila. A gefe guda kuma, shugabannin siyasa da na addini na Falasdinu sun kasance suna cewa Firayim Ministan Isra’ila Ariel Sharon “dan ta’adda ne” kuma sojojin Isra’ila “’yan ta’adda ne” (Al-Khalifa, 2002:84-85).
Rashin tsaro: Kalmomin “rashin tsaro” ko “rashin tsaro” ana yawan amfani da su a rikicin kabilanci da kabilun ke yi don tabbatar da aniyarsu ta kafa mayakansu a lokacin shirin yaki. A ranar 7 ga Maris, 2001 Firayim Ministan Isra'ila Ariel Sharon ya ambaci kalmar "tsaro" sau takwas a cikin jawabinsa na farko a majalisar Knesset ta Isra'ila. Al’ummar Palastinu sun san cewa yare da kalmomin da aka yi amfani da su a cikin jawabin sun kasance don tunzura jama’a (Al-Khalifa, 2002:85).
category 2 ya ƙunshi sharuddan da suke da kyawawan dabi'u, amma ana iya amfani da su ta wata hanya mara kyau don tunzura jama'a da tabbatar da zalunci (Al-Khalifa, 2002:85).
Wurare masu tsarki: Wannan ba kalmar rashin zaman lafiya ba ce a cikin kanta, amma ana iya amfani da ita don cimma dalilai masu lalata, kamar, tabbatar da ayyukan ta'addanci ta hanyar da'awar cewa manufar ita ce kare wurare masu tsarki. A cikin 1993, 16th-Masallacin karni-Masjid Babrii-da ke arewacin birnin Ayodhya na kasar Indiya ya gamu da tarzoma da wasu gungun masu fafutuka na Hindu, wadanda suka so gina haikalin Rama a daidai wurin. Wannan mummunan lamari ya biyo bayan tashe-tashen hankula da tashe-tashen hankula a fadin kasar, inda mutane 2,000 ko fiye suka halaka—’yan Hindu da Musulmi; duk da haka, musulmin da aka kashe sun fi Hindu yawa (Al-Khalifa, 2002:85).
Ƙaddamar da kai da 'yancin kai: Hanya zuwa ’yanci da ’yancin kai na wata ƙabila na iya zama mai zubar da jini kuma ta jawo asarar rayukan mutane da yawa, kamar yadda ya faru a Gabashin Timor. Daga 1975 zuwa 1999, ƙungiyoyin juriya a Gabashin Timor sun ɗaga taken ƙwazo da 'yancin kai, wanda ya jawo asarar rayukan 200,000 Gabashin Timorese (Al-Khalifa, 2002:85).
Kariyar kai: A cewar sashe na 61 na Yarjejeniya ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, "Babu wani abu a cikin Yarjejeniya ta yanzu da zai keta haƙƙin kare kai na mutum ko na gama gari idan an kai hari da makami a kan memba na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya…." Don haka, Yarjejeniya ta Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya ta tanadi haƙƙin ƙasashe mambobi na kare kansu daga cin zarafi daga wani memba. Duk da haka, duk da cewa kalmar ta takaita ne ga kasashe, amma Isra’ila ta yi amfani da ita wajen tabbatar da ayyukan soji da take yi a kan yankunan Falasdinawa wadanda har yanzu kasashen duniya ba su amince da su a matsayin kasa ba (Al-Khalifa, 2002:85-). 86).
category 3 ya ƙunshi sharuddan da suka bayyana sakamakon ɓarna na rikice-rikice na ƙabilanci kamar kisan kiyashi, kawar da ƙabilanci da laifukan ƙiyayya (Al-Khalifa, 2002:86).
Kisan kare dangi: Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta ayyana kalmar a matsayin wani aiki da ya ƙunshi kisa, mugun hari, yunwa, da kuma matakan da ake yi wa yara “da aka yi niyyar halaka, gabaki ɗaya ko a wani ɓangare, wata ƙasa, ƙabila, launin fata ko addini.” Amfani na farko da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta yi shi ne lokacin da Sakatare-Janar nata ya ba da rahoto ga kwamitin sulhu cewa ayyukan ta'addanci da aka yi a Rwanda kan tsirarun 'yan kabilar Tutsi da 'yan kabilar Hutu suka dauka ana daukar kisan kare dangi a ranar 1 ga Oktoba, 1994 (Al-Khalifa, 2002:86). .
Tsabtace Kabilanci: Ana ayyana tsarkake kabilanci a matsayin yunƙurin tsarkakewa ko tsarkake wani yanki na wata kabila ta hanyar amfani da ta'addanci, fyade, da kisa don shawo kan mazauna yankin. Kalmar “tsarkake ƙabilanci” ta shiga ƙamus na duniya a cikin 1992 tare da yaƙin tsohuwar Yugoslavia. Amma duk da haka ana amfani da shi sosai a cikin kudurori na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da Majalisar Tsaro da takaddun masu rahoto na musamman (Al-Khalifa, 2002:86). Karni da suka gabata, Girka da Turkiyya sun yi nuni ga "musanyar jama'a" na kawar da kabilanci.
Laifukan ƙiyayya ( son zuciya): Laifukan kiyayya ko son zuciya dabi'u ne da gwamnati ta ayyana a matsayin haramun kuma ana hukunta su, idan suka haddasa ko kuma suna nufin cutar da wani mutum ko kungiya saboda sabanin fahimta. Laifukan ƙiyayya da ’yan Hindu suka yi wa Musulmi a Indiya na iya zama misali mai kyau (Al-Khalifa, 2002:86).
Idan aka waiwaya baya, za a iya amfani da alakar da ke tsakanin karuwar tashe-tashen hankula na kabilanci da kuma amfani da misalan da ba su dace da zaman lafiya ba a kokarin dakile da kuma rigakafin rikici. Don haka, al'ummomin duniya za su iya cin gajiyar sa ido kan yadda ake amfani da kalmomi marasa zaman lafiya a tsakanin kabilu daban-daban, don sanin ainihin lokacin da za a shiga tsakani domin hana barkewar rikicin kabilanci. Alal misali, game da Kosovo, al'ummomin duniya za su iya hango sarayar aniyar Shugaba Milosevic na aikata ayyukan ta'addanci ga Kosovar Albaniyawa a 1998 daga jawabinsa da ya bayar a shekara ta 1989. Babu shakka, a lokuta da yawa, al'ummar duniya na iya tsoma baki cikin dogon lokaci. kafin barkewar rikici da nisantar sakamako mai lalacewa da barna (Al-Khalifa, 2002:99).
Wannan ra'ayin ya dogara ne akan zato guda uku. Na farko shi ne cewa mambobin kasashen duniya suna aiki cikin jituwa, wanda ba a koyaushe yake faruwa ba. Don nuna, a game da Kosovo, ko da yake Majalisar Dinkin Duniya na da sha'awar shiga tsakani kafin barkewar tashin hankali, Rasha ta hana shi. Na biyu shi ne cewa manyan jihohi na da muradin shiga cikin rikicin kabilanci; ana iya amfani da wannan kawai a wasu lokuta. Misali, dangane da kasar Ruwanda, rashin nuna sha'awar manyan kasashen duniya, ya janyo jinkirin tsoma bakin kasashen duniya a rikicin. Na uku shi ne cewa a ko da yaushe kasashen duniya suna niyyar dakatar da barkewar rikici. Amma duk da haka, abin mamaki, a wasu lokuta, ƙaruwar tashe-tashen hankula yana haifar da ƙoƙari na ɓangare na uku don kawo ƙarshen rikicin (Al-Khalifa, 2002:100).
Kammalawa
Daga tattaunawar da ta gabata, a bayyane yake cewa jawabanmu game da bangaskiya da ƙabila suna bayyana a matsayin ƙasa mai laka da yaƙi. Kuma tun farkon dangantakar kasa da kasa, jerin gwanon ke ci gaba da yaduwa cikin rugujewar fadace-fadacen da muke ciki a yau. Lallai muhawarori kan imani da kabilanci an raba su ne ta hanyar maslaha da fatawa. A cikin tasoshin mu, sha'awoyi suna kumbura, suna sa kawunansu buguwa, hangen nesa, da hankali ya ruɗe. An shake a halin yanzu na gaba, hankali sun yi makirci, harsuna sun yanke, hannayensu sun nakasa saboda ka'idoji da korafe-korafe.
Dimokuradiyya ya kamata ta yi amfani da gaba da rikici, kamar yadda ingantacciyar injuna ke harba fashewar tashin hankali cikin aiki. A bayyane yake, akwai rikice-rikice da yawa da za su iya tafiya. A hakikanin gaskiya korafe-korafen da ba ‘yan Yamma ba, Turawan Yamma, da mata, maza, masu kudi da talakawa, duk da dadewa da wasu ba su da tushe, suna bayyana dangantakarmu da juna. Menene "Baƙin Afirka" ba tare da ɗaruruwan shekaru na zalunci na Turai da Amurka ba, danniya, damuwa, da danniya? Menene "talakawa" ba tare da rashin tausayi, zagi da zagi na masu arziki ba? Kowacce kungiya tana da matsayinta da asalinta ga rashin ko in kula da shakuwar abokin gaba.
Tsarin tattalin arzikin duniya yana yin abubuwa da yawa don amfani da kishinmu na gaba da gasa a cikin biliyoyin daloli na dukiyar ƙasa. Amma nasarar tattalin arziki duk da haka, abubuwan da injinan tattalin arzikinmu ke haifarwa suna da matukar damuwa kuma suna da haɗari don yin watsi da su. Tsarin tattalin arzikinmu da alama a zahiri yana haɗiye ɗimbin sabani na zamantakewa kamar yadda Karl Marx zai ce gaba da gaba da masu son mallaka na zahiri ko kuma masu neman abin duniya. Tushen matsalarmu ita ce, ƙarancin haɗin gwiwa da muke da shi ga juna yana da son kai a matsayin farkonsa. Tushen tsarin zamantakewar mu da wayewar mu shine son kai, inda hanyoyin da kowannen mu ke da shi bai wadatar da aikin samun ingantacciyar son rai ba. Don tabbatar da jituwa tsakanin al'umma, abin da za a ɗauka daga wannan gaskiyar ita ce dukanmu mu yi ƙoƙari don buƙatar juna. Amma da yawa daga cikinmu za su gwammace mu rage dogaro da juna kan iyawa, kuzari, da kirkire-kirkire, sai dai mu tunzura harsashin mabanbantan mahanganmu.
Tarihi ya sha nuna cewa ba za mu ƙyale haɗin kai na ’yan Adam ya keta bambance-bambancen da ke tsakaninmu ba kuma ya haɗa mu tare a matsayin ɗan adam. Maimakon mu yarda da haɗin kai, wasun mu sun zaɓi tilasta wa wasu su mika kai marar godiya. Tun da dadewa, ’yan Afirka da suke bauta sun yi aiki tuƙuru don shuka da girbi albarkar duniya ga ’yan bautar Turai da Amurka. Daga bukatu da bukatu na ma'abota bayi, wadanda dokoki masu tilastawa, haramun, imani, da addini suka goyi bayan, tsarin zamantakewar al'umma ya samo asali ne daga gaba da zalunci maimakon daga ma'anar cewa mutane suna bukatar juna.
Abu ne mai wuyar gaske cewa wani rami mai zurfi ya kunno kai a tsakaninmu, wanda ya samo asali daga rashin iya mu'amala da juna a matsayin guntun kwayoyin halitta gaba daya. Yawo tsakanin tsaunuka na wannan rugujewar kogi ne na korafe-korafe. Watakila ba mai ƙarfi ba ne, amma girgizar fushi na zazzafan zafafan kalamai da musgunawa sun canza korafe-korafen mu zuwa saurin gaggawa. Yanzu tashin hankali ya ja mu muna harba da kururuwa zuwa ga babban faɗuwa.
Rashin iya tantance gazawar da aka samu a adawar mu ta al'adu da akida, masu sassaucin ra'ayi, masu ra'ayin mazan jiya, da masu tsattsauran ra'ayi ta kowane fanni da inganci, sun tilasta wa masu zaman lafiya da rashin sha'awarmu shiga bangare. Cikin takaicin yadda fadace-fadacen ya barke a ko'ina, har ma da ma'abota hankali da kishin kasa a cikinmu sun gano cewa babu wani tsaka-tsaki da za a tsaya a kai. Hatta malaman addini a cikinmu, dole ne su tashi tsaye, domin kowane dan kasa ana tursasa shi, an kuma sanya shi shiga cikin rikicin.
References
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Game da Author
Abdul Karim Bangura wani mai bincike ne a mazaunin Abrahamic Connections da Islamic Peace Studies a Cibiyar Zaman Lafiya ta Duniya a Makarantar Hidima ta Duniya a Jami'ar Amirka da kuma darektan Cibiyar Afirka, duk a Washington DC; mai karatu na waje na Hanyar Bincike a Jami'ar Rasha Plekhanov a Moscow; wani farfesa na zaman lafiya na farko na Makarantar bazara ta Duniya a Nazarin Zaman Lafiya da Rikici a Jami'ar Peshawar a Pakistan; da darektan kasa da kasa da mai ba da shawara na Centro Cultural Guanin a Santo Domingo Este, Jamhuriyar Dominican. Ya yi digirin digirgir (PhD) biyar a fannin Kimiyyar Siyasa, Cigaban Tattalin Arziki, Linguistics, Kimiyyar Kwamfuta, da Mathematics. Shi ne marubucin littattafai 86 da kuma kasidu sama da 600 na ilimi. Wanda ya lashe kyaututtuka sama da 50 na ilimi da sabis na al'umma, daga cikin kyaututtukan kwanan nan na Bangura akwai lambar yabo ta Cecil B. Curry na littafinsa. Lissafin Afirka: Daga Kashi zuwa Kwamfuta, wanda Kwamitin Littattafai na Gidauniyar Success Foundation ta zaɓe shi a matsayin ɗaya daga cikin littattafai 21 mafi mahimmanci da Ba'amurke Ba'amurke suka rubuta a Kimiyya, Fasaha, Injiniya da Lissafi (STEM); Diopian Institute for Scholarly Advancement's Miriam Ma'at Ka Re lambar yabo ga labarinsa mai suna "Domesticating Mathematics in the African Mother Language" da aka buga a cikin Jaridar Pan-African Studies; Kyautar Majalisar Wakilai ta Musamman ta Amurka don “fitaccen sabis mai fa'ida ga al'ummar duniya;" Kyautar lambar yabo ta Cibiyar Sasanci tsakanin Kabilanci da Addini ta Duniya saboda aikin da ya yi na ilimi kan magance rikice-rikice na kabilanci da addini da samar da zaman lafiya, da inganta zaman lafiya da warware rikice-rikice a wuraren da ake rikici; Ma'aikatar Harkokin Al'adu da yawa na Gwamnatin Moscow da lambar yabo ta haɗin gwiwar haɗin kai don yanayin kimiyya da aiki na aikinsa kan zaman lafiya tsakanin kabilu da addinai; da kuma Ronald E. McNair Shirt don ƙwararren masanin bincike mai mahimmanci wanda ya jagoranci mafi yawan malaman bincike a cikin ilimin kimiyya da aka buga a cikin mujallu da litattafai masu sana'a kuma ya lashe mafi kyawun kyauta na takarda shekaru biyu a jere-2015 da 2016. Bangura ya kware a harsuna kusan dozin guda goma sha biyu na Afirka da na Turai shida, kuma yana karatu don kara ƙwarensa a cikin Larabci, Ibrananci, da Hieroglyphs. Har ila yau, mamba ne na kungiyoyin malamai da dama, ya taba zama shugaban kasa sannan kuma jakadan Majalisar Dinkin Duniya na kungiyar nazarin duniya ta uku, kuma manzo na musamman na kwamitin zaman lafiya da tsaro na Tarayyar Afirka.
