The Late Student

What Happened? Historical Background to the Conflict

This conflict occurred at a local, reputable science and tech high school that is located very close to the inner city. In addition to the excellent instructors and academics, the school’s great standing is heavily due to its diverse student body and the administration’s mission to celebrate and respect the cultures and religions of the students. Jamal is a senior, honor roll student who is popular amongst his classmates and liked by his instructors. From the many student organizations and clubs the school has established, Jamal is a member of both the Black Student Union and the Muslim Student Association. As a means of respecting Islamic adherence, the school principal has permitted his Muslim students to have a short Friday service at the end of their lunch time before the afternoon classes begin, with Jamal leading the service. The principal further instructed school teachers not to penalize these students should they arrive to class a few minutes late on Friday, while students should also do what they can to get to their classes on time.

John is a relatively new teacher at the school, trying to fulfill his duties and continue to make the school great for what it’s known for. Since it has only been a few weeks, John is not acquainted with the various student groups and the flexibility the principal has provided in certain situations. Jamal is a student in John’s class, and for the first weeks since John started to teach, Jamal would come into class five minutes late on Fridays. John started to comment about Jamal’s tardiness and how it is not of school policy to come in late. Assuming John is aware of the Friday service Jamal is allowed to lead and participate in, Jamal would simply apologize and take his seat. One Friday, after several more incidents, John eventually says to Jamal in front of the class that it is “young radical thugs from the inner city like Jamal that the school should worry about for its reputation.” John also threatened to fail Jamal if he came in late one more time even though he has maintained a solid A through all his work and participation.

Each Other’s Stories – how each person understands the situation and why

John– He is disrespectful.

Position:

Jamal is a radical thug that needs to be taught rules and respect. He can’t just come into class whenever he feels like it and use religion as an excuse.

Interests:

Safety/Security: I was hired here to maintain and build the school’s reputation. I cannot allow a low-life kid to affect my performance as an instructor and the ratings this school has taken so many years to build.

Physiological Needs: I am new to this school and can’t be walked on by a youth from the street preaching Islamic radicalism every Friday. I can’t look weak in front of other teachers, the principal, or the students.

Belongingness/ Team Spirit: This school is well known because of great instructors and achieving students who are working together. Making exceptions to preach religion isn’t the school’s mission.

Self-Esteem/Respect: It is disrespectful to me as an instructor for a student to habitually come in late. I have taught at many schools, I have never had to deal with such nonsense.

Self-Actualization: I know I am a good instructor, that is why I was hired to work here. I may be a bit tough when I feel like I need to be, but that is necessary at times.

Jamal– He is an Islamophobic racist.

Position:

John doesn’t get that I was given approval to lead Friday services. This is just a part of my religion that I want to adhere to.

Interests:

Safety/Security: I can’t fail a class when my grades are stellar. It is part of the school’s mission to celebrate students’ ethnicities and religions, and I was given the principal’s approval to partake in the Friday service.

Physiological Needs: I can’t keep getting marginalized as a result of what is portrayed in the media, about Blacks or Muslims. I have worked so hard since I was young to always make good grades, so that how I excelled could speak for me like my character, instead of being judged or labeled.

Belongingness/Team Spirit: I have been at this school for four years; I am on my way to college. This school’s atmosphere is what I know and love; we can’t start to have hatred and separation due to differences, lack of understanding, and racism.

Self-Esteem/Respect: Being Muslim and Black are large parts of my identity, both of which I love. It is a sign of ignorance to assume that I am a “thug” because I am black and that the school is close to the inner city, or that I am radical simply because I adhere to the Muslim faith.

Self-Actualization: My good character and grades are part of what collectively makes this school as great as it is. I certainly try to be on time to every class, and I can’t control if someone comes to speak to me after the service. I am a part of this school and should still feel respected for the positive things I show.

Mediation Project: Mediation Case Study developed by Faten Gharib, 2017

Share

Related Articles

Religions in Igboland: Diversification, Relevance and Belonging

Religion is one of the socioeconomic phenomena with undeniable impacts on humanity anywhere in the world. As sacrosanct as it seems, religion is not only important to the understanding of the existence of any indigenous population but also has policy relevance in the interethnic and developmental contexts. Historical and ethnographic evidence on different manifestations and nomenclatures of the phenomenon of religion abound. The Igbo nation in Southern Nigeria, on both sides of the Niger River, is one of the largest black entrepreneurial cultural groups in Africa, with unmistakable religious fervour that implicates sustainable development and interethnic interactions within its traditional borders. But the religious landscape of Igboland is constantly changing. Until 1840, the dominant religion(s) of the Igbo was indigenous or traditional. Less than two decades later, when Christian missionary activity commenced in the area, a new force was unleashed that would eventually reconfigure the indigenous religious landscape of the area. Christianity grew to dwarf the dominance of the latter. Before the centenary of Christianity in Igboland, Islam and other less hegemonic faiths arose to compete against indigenous Igbo religions and Christianity. This paper tracks the religious diversification and its functional relevance to harmonious development in Igboland. It draws its data from published works, interviews, and artefacts. It argues that as new religions emerge, the Igbo religious landscape will continue to diversify and/or adapt, either for inclusivity or exclusivity among the existing and emerging religions, for the survival of the Igbo.

Share

Conversion to Islam and Ethnic Nationalism in Malaysia

This paper is a segment of a larger research project that focuses on the rise of ethnic Malay nationalism and supremacy in Malaysia. While the rise of ethnic Malay nationalism can be attributed to various factors, this paper specifically focuses on the Islamic conversion law in Malaysia and whether or not it has reinforced the sentiment of ethnic Malay supremacy. Malaysia is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country which gained its independence in 1957 from the British. The Malays being the largest ethnic group have always regarded the religion of Islam as part and parcel of their identity which separates them from other ethnic groups that were brought into the country during British colonial rule. While Islam is the official religion, the Constitution allows other religions to be practiced peacefully by non-Malay Malaysians, namely the ethnic Chinese and Indians. However, the Islamic law that governs Muslim marriages in Malaysia has mandated that non-Muslims must convert to Islam should they wish to marry Muslims. In this paper, I argue that the Islamic conversion law has been used as a tool to strengthen the sentiment of ethnic Malay nationalism in Malaysia. Preliminary data were collected based on interviews with Malay Muslims who are married to non-Malays. The results have shown that majority of Malay interviewees consider conversion to Islam as imperative as required by the Islamic religion and the state law. In addition, they also see no reason why non-Malays would object to converting to Islam, as upon marriage, the children will automatically be considered Malays as per the Constitution, which also comes with status and privileges. Views of non-Malays who have converted to Islam were based on secondary interviews that have been conducted by other scholars. As being a Muslim is associated with being a Malay, many non-Malays that converted feel robbed of their sense of religious and ethnic identity, and feel pressured to embrace the ethnic Malay culture. While changing the conversion law might be difficult, open interfaith dialogues in schools and in public sectors might be the first step to tackle this problem.

Share